News from the NEA Annual Meeting, July 4, 2007

Richard Dreyfuss Speaks About

Civics Education at the NEA Annual Meeting

 

From the Web, January 23, 2008

 

Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, there is only one thing that I fear today, and that is that I have spoken about these subjects for never less than an hour and a half at a time and then had a cup of coffee and done it again.  So to try to do this in 15 minutes is going to be one h--- of a show.  So I want to get right to it.
 

 
 

Actor and civics education advocate Richard Dreyfuss addresses the NEA Annual Meeting.

RA Action photo by Calvin Knight

If you bought stock in a company, let's say a pharmaceutical company, and you found out that the CEO of that company didn't know about pharmaceuticals or care about what they were made of or how they were distributed or how they were publicized or how they competed in the marketplace, you could buy stock in that company again and bring suit for malfeasance and stupidity, and that is what we are doing.

We do not teach civics in this country.  Civics is the prepartisan tools of civic expertise that teach us how to run a republican democracy.  There are in this country a dwindling amount of schools that can even say, well, we teach civics.

We have a semester of civics before the 8th grade.  That's not civics.

I have been spending three years at Oxford University.  I am trying to learn how to teach a curriculum, a curriculum that I don't invent.  It's 3500 years old.  It teaches reason, logic, clarity of thought, raising up of the values of dissent and debate and civility and the skeptical questioning talent to ask questions of our information industry.  If it is a fair question to ask -- if it is a fair question to ask, how much of the English-speaking news industry is owned by one person, and if that answer is anywhere between 30 and 55 percent -- and it is -- is it a fair question and is it a fair discussion?

Rupert Murdoch and two other guys own everything you hear and see, and their interests may not be your interests.  We are responsible for this country.  We may live in Alexander Hamilton's nation, but we live in Thomas Jefferson's paradigm, and that paradigm is that men and women are sovereign, and men and women are the authority.

Who tutors -- who tutors the sovereign?  Who tutors the son king?  You do.  You are on the front line.  You may not have started out as heroes.  You may not have ended up as heroes, but g------it, during the time you have been teachers, you are heroes.

I believe that history can be told in a hundred ways, and one way is this.  It is the war between light and dark, and dark never loses.  Never.  The darkness simply waits.  And so while the darkness waits and the light attempts to twinkle, it comes at us the moment we get lazy, the moment we get stupid, the moment we stop risking what this nation is.

This nation more than any nation in history has meaning.  Let Costa Rica and Canada say they have meaning.  There are two gifts that America has given to the world without which this world would not exist.

One, there is a curse on mankind.  It is a curse so well-known that we never talk about it, we never discuss it.  It is a curse that says that you and yours will never rise.  Your grandchildren are serfs.  Their grandchildren will be serfs.

You are a shoemaker.  Your grandchildren will be shoemakers.  And my heel will always be on your neck until America said, now, wait a minute, if you're lucky, if you've got guts, if you can take the cr-p that life throws at you, if you can get here you might rise, and that one word difference is the most important political message in 12,000 years of human civilization.  No nation, no organization, no group, no people, no religion, no race has ever given mankind that statement.  And that gift of opportunity was created here by men, not heroes that we call men, but men who are heroes.  One gift.

Second gift, in Britain, Saxons and Picts and Vikings and Jutes all raped and pillaged and killed one another for thousands of years until out of that morass of darkness grew something called England.  And we attribute to England things of moral stature.  And that is true of France and Germany and Russia and everywhere else.  Not here.

In this country, men sat down at a table and took a quill pen and wrote out this is who we choose to be.  And then they put that up on a wall so that everyone on Earth could see, so that everyone on Earth could see when we fail and everyone on Earth can see when we succeed.

The creation of the Bill of Rights and the putting it up on that wall was the most perfect American gesture.  It is naive.  It is arrogant.  It is brilliant.  It is brave.  And it tells us who we wish to be.  Not who we are, but who we want to get to be.  This nation is a process, as it was said just now in the preamble.

When you read the preamble, you do not read of an event that occurred 200 years ago in Philadelphia.  You do not read of something that we celebrate and pat on our backs.  You read something that is ongoing.  We -- we, the people, who wish to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, there is no "we did it already."  It is "we are doing it."  Never forget that.  Never forget that.

Here is a perfect day.  On a given day in the next few years, there's going to be a ribbon cutting at the National Constitution Center.  And they are going to cut a ribbon on a permanent exhibit which tells the story of the enlightenment of the world that preceded the enlightenment and what it was and what opportunity it gave us to actualize it.  To actualize reason over faith, intelligence over stupidity, scientific deduction over guessing.

You know, you're teachers.  You know the secret.  You know that smart is better than stupid.  Most people don't know that. And it's your job to teach them that. It's your job to teach the most difficult puzzle.  Kids and parents know that they hate to say the phrase, "I don't know."  They'll do anything to avoid saying "I don't know."  And they'll do anything to say -– to not to say, "I've changed my mind."

You know that "I don't know" is at the basis of learning.  You have to find a way to change the approach so that people don't think that the phrase "I don't know" is something to be feared but something to be accepted and embraced.

You have to revise the nature of teaching so that people know that it is not the subject of civics that is boring. It is the word "civics" that is boring.

Civics itself is about as entertaining as a Cirque du Soleil. And I could tell you versions of that story that could make your hair stand on end, and you have to teach that now. You have to because we're not as lucky as our parents.

My father had the luck of being wounded badly in the Battle of the Bulge because he went across to Europe to fight Hitler, because Hitler was the greatest civics lesson on Earth, because Hitler meant every g -----n word he said. And we knew it.

And so my parents' generation went, stopped their lives, went overseas, and beat the h--- out of him and his ideas until they were gone.

We do not teach civics. It is either evidence of neurosis or evidence of suicide, but we don't teach it, and you must teach it. You must teach it from the fifth grade up. You must teach reason and logic and clarity and dissent.

You must applaud debate. You must applaud the process. You must remember that America is at its basis a risk, that this museum must be a risk. And that if all we do at this museum is pat ourselves on the back for something we did 200 years ago and aren't we great, we have accomplished nothing but become another museum.

People should come to this museum and come out angry and uneasy and arguing and American, because it is not easy to be an American. America does not happen by itself. And government of the people, by the people, for the people shall perish from this Earth unless you do your duty, unless we do our duty. I wish I had more time. Thank you.


 

Dreyfuss on Mr. Smith Goes to Washington

You saw a cut from "Mr. Smith goes to Washington." I'm going to tell you a quick story.

When the Germans came into Paris, they told the Parisian theater owners, you have one week to show any films you want and then we take over.  They all showed "Mr. Smith goes to Washington."  We grew up with television, and television had no money for programming.  What did they do?  They showed us old movies.  Twenty-four hours a day, they showed us "Mr. Smith goes to Washington."

And John Ford, and I'm telling you, that made us love America.  We give our kids nothing to love America.  And we have to remember, we must seduce, we must brainwash our children into a love affair with the ideas of America or all we've got is a country that is south of Canada and north of Mexico.

 

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