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| Protestors burn pictures of Burmese regime leader Senior General Than Shwe during a demonstration in front of the Chinese liaison office in Hong Kong, Sept. 30, 2007. |
Eventually the monks are imprisoned
inside Rangoon's former Government Technical Institute. According to one
eyewitness, hundreds are crammed into each room. They have no access to
toilets or sanitary facilities. Many of the monks refuse food from their
military jailers. There is no space to lie down and sleep.
These are the stories of Burma's "Saffron Revolution." The protests that
started a few weeks ago with a 500% spike in regime-controlled gas prices have
now unleashed 19 years of pent-up national anger. As the demonstrations
play out on front pages, computer monitors, and TV screens across the globe,
millions of people have been inspired by the sea of orange-robed Buddhist monks
standing up to the military dictatorship.
Millions have also been stunned by the junta's shameful response:
nonviolent demonstrators struck down with batons, tear gas, smoke grenades and
bullets; civilians, including children, seized at random; innocent men and women
slain.
The generals' reign of fear has subdued the protests -- for now. But while
the streets of Burma may be eerily quiet, the hearts of the Burmese people are
not: 2007 is not 1988, when the regime's last major anti-democracy
crackdown killed 3,000 and left the junta intact. Today, people everywhere
know about the regime's atrocities. They are disgusted by the junta's
abuses of human rights. This swelling outrage presents the generals with
an urgent choice: Be part of Burma's peaceful transition to democracy, or
get out of the way for a government of the Burmese people's choosing.
Whatever last shred of legitimacy the junta had among its own citizens has
vanished. The regime's stranglehold on information is slipping; thanks to
new technologies, people throughout Burma know about the junta's assaults.
The public mood is said to be "a mixture of fear, depression, hopelessness, and
seething anger." According to reports from Rangoon, "The regime's
heavy-handed tactics against the revered clergy and peaceful demonstrators have
turned many of the politically neutral in favor of the recent demonstrators."
The international community, too, is distancing itself. On Saturday,
during a "Global Day of Action for Burma," thousands of people marched through
dozens of cities -- from Kuala Lumpur to London, Sydney to Paris -- in
solidarity with the monks. Spiritual leaders, including Pope Benedict XVI
and the Dalai Lama, have enlisted millions of faithful to pray for peace and
justice in Burma.
Governments from Spain to Estonia to Panama to Australia have voiced their
disapproval. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has denounced the
generals' actions as "repulsive." Burma's neighbor, Malaysia, has urged
the regime to hold "unconditional" talks with Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of
Burma's popularly elected National League for Democracy party. India, one
of Burma's closest trading partners, has called for an inquiry into the regime's
crackdown, and encouraged the junta to hasten the process of political reform.
On Friday, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon described the regime's
violent repression as "abhorrent and unacceptable." Yesterday, Mr. Ban
called me to say that he will send the U.N.'s special envoy to Burma, Ibrahim
Gambari, back to the region "as soon as possible." Mr. Gambari will
coordinate with Burma's neighboring governments, encouraging them to use their
influence with the junta to bring about a transfer of power.
And last week, the United States led an effort to put Burma, for the first time
in history, on the agenda of the U.N. Security Council. The United States
expects that the Security Council -- especially permanent members Russia and
China, who typically support Burma's military dictatorship -- will keep pressure
on the regime.
The junta has also shut itself off economically. Money talks -- and we
know it speaks to those who rule the country, Gen. Than Shwe and his deputies.
One of last week's more promising developments was the general's statement
indicating, for the first time, his willingness to meet with Ms. Suu Kyi -- but
on the condition that she "stop calling for economic sanctions." The junta
is feeling the financial squeeze.
The economic pressure will only grow more intense. Last week, the European
Union tightened its sanctions against the regime; over the weekend, British
Prime Minister Gordon Brown called for harsher measures. Amid growing
outrage over the murder of a Japanese journalist, Japan -- one of the largest
providers of aid to Burma -- is likely to suspend assistance.
President Bush has directed the U.S. Treasury Department to freeze the assets of
14 senior members of the Burmese junta. Our State Department has identified top
junta officials and their immediate families -- more than 200 people -- as
subject to a ban on entry into the U.S., and President Bush is preparing further
U.S. sanctions against the dictatorship.
Gen. Than Shwe and his deputies are a friendless regime. They should step
aside to make way for a unified Burma governed by legitimate leaders. The
rest of the armed forces should not fear this transition -- there is room for a
professional military in a democratic Burma. In fact, one of Burma's
military heroes was also a beloved champion of Burmese freedom: General Aung
San, the late father of Aung San Suu Kyi.
As part of a peaceful transition process, the generals must immediately stop
their terror campaigns against their own people. They must commit to a
meaningful, unrestricted dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi and other opposition
leaders -- including the demonstrating monks, the 88 Generation Students and
members of Ms. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party. The junta
has taken a small, promising first step by appointing its deputy labor minister
as a liaison to Ms. Suu Kyi. Now, the regime must release her -- and all members
of the political opposition -- so they can meet and plan a strategy for Burma's
transition to democracy.
Meanwhile, the world watches -- and waits. We know that Gen. Than Shwe and
his deputies have the advantage of violent force. But Ms. Suu Kyi and
other opposition leaders have moral legitimacy, the support of the Burmese
people and the support of the world. The regime's position grows weaker by
the day. The generals' choice is clear: The time for a free Burma is
now.
Mrs. Bush is first lady of the United States
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