Federal
Influence-Peddling Inquiry Casts Wider Net
Four Lawmakers'
Dealings With Lobbyist Are Studied;
Low Threshold for
Bribery?
By BRODY MULLINS,
WSJ.com from the Web, November 25, 2005
WASHINGTON -- A Justice
Department investigation into possible influence-peddling by prominent
Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff is examining his dealings with four lawmakers,
more than a dozen current and former congressional aides and two former Bush
administration officials, according to lawyers and others involved in the case.
Investigators want to know whether
Mr. Abramoff and his lobbying firm partners made illegal payoffs to lawmakers
and aides in the form of campaign contributions, sports tickets, meals, travel
and job offers, in exchange for helping their clients.
The Justice Department's probe is far broader than previously thought.
Though it remains smaller than the congressional influence-peddling scandals of
the 1970s, its focus on prominent Republicans raises the risk of serious
embarrassment to the party before next year's congressional elections.
Those involved in Mr. Abramoff's case say that the Justice Department
investigation could take years to complete.
Prosecutors in the department's public integrity and fraud divisions -- separate
units that report to the assistant attorney general for the criminal division --
are looking into Mr. Abramoff's interactions with former House Majority Leader
Tom DeLay of Texas, Rep. Bob Ney (R., Ohio), Rep. John Doolittle (R., Calif.)
and Sen. Conrad Burns (R., Mont.), according to several people close to the
investigation. Messrs. DeLay and Ney have retained criminal defense
lawyers. Spokespeople for Messrs. Doolittle and Burns said they haven't
hired lawyers
"We have not been contacted by the
Justice Department," said J.P. Pendleton, a spokesman for Mr. Burns. "We
are more than happy to help out in any investigation should we be asked."
Mr. Doolittle's spokeswoman said the lawmaker hasn't been contacted by the
Justice Department. Prosecutors often contact the subjects of
investigations only after gathering significant information from others.
The spokeswoman added that any suggestion that Mr. Doolittle "may have had some
improper involvement in matters recently disclosed about Mr. Abramoff and others
comes as a complete surprise and is simply ridiculous."
Prosecutors also are investigating at least 17 current and former congressional
aides, about half of whom later took lobbying jobs with Mr. Abramoff, say
lawyers and others involved in the case. Five of the former aides worked
for Mr. DeLay, including Tony Rudy, Ed Buckham and Susan Hirschmann. The
three were top aides to Mr. DeLay and are now Washington lobbyists. None
returned calls or emails seeking comment.
Until this week, prosecutors seemed to be focused primarily on whether Mr.
Abramoff and his partner, Michael Scanlon, had bilked a half-dozen Native
American tribes out of $80 million over four years. But a plea agreement
made public Monday between prosecutors and Mr. Scanlon, and interviews with
individuals and lawyers close to the investigation, show that the Justice
Department is pursuing a much broader influence-peddling and bribery case.
Mr. Scanlon pleaded guilty to a single bribery charge, admitting that he and Mr.
Abramoff "engaged in a course of conduct through which one or both of them
offered and provided things of value to public officials in exchange for a
series of official acts," according to his plea agreement.
Mr. Scanlon said that beginning in January 2000 he and Mr. Abramoff offered Mr.
Ney, a close ally of the House Republican leadership, meals, sports tickets,
political contributions and a golfing trip to Scotland in exchange for a series
of "official acts" that helped Mr. Abramoff and his clients.
The plea agreement, which refers to Mr. Abramoff as "Lobbyist A" and Mr. Ney as
"Representative #1," states that the congressman put two statements in the
House's official record in 2000 supporting one of Mr. Abramoff's business
ventures. In June 2002, the lawmaker attempted to help Mr. Abramoff by
trying to approve legislation that would have helped one of Mr. Abramoff's
Indian-tribe clients win a license to operate a casino, according to the plea.
That effort failed, and Mr. Ney says that he was duped by Mr. Abramoff.
Stephen Braga, a lawyer for Mr. Scanlon, wouldn't comment on targets of the
Justice Department investigation. But he said that the "investigation is
much broader -- and Mr. Scanlon's cooperation in it will be much more extensive
than the 'Lobbyist A' and 'Representative #1' facts recited in the plea
agreement papers." A spokesman for the Justice Department declined to
comment.
Mr. Burns, the Montana congressman, helped one of Mr. Abramoff's clients -- the
Saginaw Chippewa tribe in Michigan -- win a $3 million grant from Congress.
Mr. Burns was the chairman of a key Senate subcommittee that allocated the funds
to the tribe.
Mr. Burns has accepted $150,000 in political contributions from Mr. Abramoff,
his lobbying partners and his clients since 2001. Three Burns aides later
were hired by Mr. Abramoff. Mr. Burns has said in the past that he
included the grant funds in the spending bill at the request of senators from
Michigan.
It isn't clear what involvement, if any, Mr. Doolittle had with Mr. Abramoff.
The Justice Department subpoenaed documents more than a year ago from Mr.
Doolittle's wife, a Republican fund-raiser. Mr. Abramoff also hired Kevin
Ring, a top Doolittle aide. Mr. Ring declined to comment. It is
unclear whether he or Mr. Doolittle are targets of the investigation.
The Justice Department also is looking into Mr. Abramoff's dealings with Steven
Griles, a former deputy secretary at the Interior Department, and David Safavian,
a former head of the government's procurement office, according to lawyers and
others close to the investigation. Mr. Safavian was arrested earlier this
year and accused of lying about his participation in a golf trip to Scotland
with Mr. Abramoff. Mr. Safavian's lawyer has said that her client isn't
guilty and that his prosecution is an attempt at guilt by association.
Mr. Griles recently testified before the Senate Indian Affairs Committee that
Mr. Abramoff had offered him a job in 2003, and that he had reported the offer
to department officials. An attorney for Mr. Griles declined to comment on
the investigation.
Mr. Abramoff hasn't been accused of any wrongdoing by the Justice Department.
Earlier this year, he was indicted in Florida on fraud charges for his role in
purchasing a fleet of casino boats that later went into bankruptcy proceedings.
Mr. Abramoff was accused of falsifying financial information in order to secure
the financing needed for the purchase. As part of his plea deal, Mr.
Scanlon also agreed to cooperate with prosecutors in the Florida case, the
Associated Press reported.
Mr. Abramoff and his colleagues represented more than two dozen clients, ranging
from his two wealthy Indian tribes -- the Saginaw Chippewas in Michigan and the
Mississippi Band of Choctaws -- to major U.S. corporations, such as Tyco
International Ltd. and Unisys Corp. During his decade as a Washington
lobbyist, Mr. Abramoff made a name for himself as a lobbyist in the gambling
industry. Most of the tribes that he represented owned casinos that
generated millions of dollars a year. He typically was hired to prevent
rival Indian tribes from getting government permission to open up casinos that
would have competed with the gambling operations run by his clients. He
also represented several online gaming operations that do business in the U.S.
and offshore.
It had been widely assumed in Washington that prosecutors were scrutinizing Mr.
DeLay's dealings with Mr. Abramoff, who were longtime political allies.
Mr. Abramoff took Mr. DeLay and several of his then aides on an expensive golf
trip to Scotland several years ago. Mr. DeLay stepped down as House
majority leader two month ago after he was indicted in Texas on unrelated
campaign-finance charges.
Mr. Scanlon's guilty plea suggests that prosecutors may be setting a low
threshold for bringing bribery charges. Mr. Scanlon pleaded guilty to
bribing Mr. Ney by contributing just $4,000 to his campaign account in 2000 and
an additional $10,000 to a separate Republican campaign fund. Prosecutors
told Mr. Scanlon that if he made the contributions in exchange for some action
or public statement by Mr. Ney, the donations amounted to bribery. That
argument put pressure on Mr. Scanlon to plead guilty.
Despite the surge in donor-financed campaign spending, the Justice Department,
at least in the past 30 years, hasn't charged a lobbyist with bribery based on
political contributions. The Justice Department won't discuss its tactics,
but Washington lobbyists are watching closely. If it were to use a similar
standard for other prosecutions, it might be easier for the Justice Department
to bring cases against Mr. Abramoff and his lobbying partners.
A Justice Department argument that political contributions are akin to bribery
if the lobbyist is looking for something in return would force a big change in
the way lobbyists ply their trade. Registered lobbyists have contributed
$6 million in political donations in the first nine months of this nonelection
year. Last year, lobbyists contributed $24 million to candidates,
according to the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonpartisan watchdog group.
In the 1970s, Congress was shaken by two influence-peddling scandals --
Koreagate, in which dozens of congressmen were found to have taken money from
South Korean lobbyist Tongsun Park and one congressman went to prison, and
Abscam, in which one senator and four congressmen were convicted of accepting
bribes from Federal Bureau of Investigation operatives posing as Arab sheiks.
Write to Brody Mullins at
brody.mullins@wsj.com.
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